What happens when students unite for justice: The pulse of Serbian protests

The tragedy that shook Novi Sad on November 1, 2024, when the canopy of the recently renovated railway station collapsed, killing 15 people and seriously injuring two, became the spark that ignited a wave of discontent across Serbia. Instead of symbolizing modernization and progress, the station became a tragic monument to corruption in state institutions, with the government unwilling to take responsibility for the victims of the tragedy. However, students decided to speak up, taking on the role of spokespersons in the fight for justice and transparency.

A tragedy that sparked a movement

Their first acts of resistance were a symbolic silent 15-minutes traffic blockades to honor the victims. The student movement soon gained momentum and grew into organized faculty blockades, strikes, and marches across the country. To date, protests have taken place in more than 276 towns and villages in response to the accident itself and as a stand against a system where corruption is the rule and accountability is the exception. The depth of public dissatisfaction was evident in what became the largest protest in modern Serbian history: on December 22, 2024, over 100,000 people gathered in Belgrade’s Slavija Square. On March 1, 2025, thousands of people from across the country gathered in Niš, the largest city in southern Serbia, to mark four months since the collapse of the canopy. The protest, named the “Student Edict” after the historic Edict of Milan that guaranteed religious equality in the Roman Empire and was issued in 313 AD by Emperor Constantine the Great (born in Naissus, modern-day Niš), lasted for 18 hours – symbolizing Niš’s area code (018). It became the largest protest in the city’s history, with estimates suggesting that over 200,000 citizens participated.

From the very beginning, students were joined by other citizens. On January 19, 2025, protests were held in several Serbian cities in support of elementary and high-school teachers who had announced a complete work suspension. Moreover, students called for a general strike on January 24, during which numerous restaurants, shops, and theaters closed their doors to the public in solidarity, under the slogan “everything needs to stop”. More than three months later, students remain firm in their demands: releasing the complete documentation of the railway station’s reconstruction and taking responsibility for the canopy collapse; identifying and punishing the perpetrators of violence against students and citizens during protests and blockades; dropping all charges against those arrested at protests; increasing budget allocations for universities. While government representatives claim they have met all these demands, students in the blockades insist that none have been fully addressed.

"You are not competent"

In several instances, Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić appeared on TV outlets indirectly controlled by the ruling party, presenting what he claimed to be the complete technical documentation regarding the canopy collapse. However, students accused him of violating the constitution, arguing that he was not competent to handle such matters. According to Serbia’s constitution, the country’s highest legal act, the separation of powers ensures balance and mutual control among the three branches of government: legislative, executive, and judicial, with the president’s role being primarily ceremonial. However, Vučić has effectively subordinated the entire executive branch, wielding powers that he does not own, and often dictating the work of parliament, courts, and the prosecutor’s office. Thus, the students remain steadfast in their clear demands, none of which are directed at the president but rather at competent state authorities.

In addition, both the president and other government officials dismissed the mass protests calling them a “color revolution”  with an effort to overthrow the state, claiming that foreign influences and political opponents stand behind the students. This narrative, frequently used during times of crisis, aims to delegitimize authentic civic resistance and divert attention. The divisive rhetoric has been evident in multiple Vučić’s statements, such as the one when he advised professors to “earn their salaries instead of expecting to be paid for work they haven’t done.”

The right to protest is a fundamental human right, guaranteed by international conventions and the constitutions of democratic states. When institutions fail and accountability is absent, civil disobedience becomes a necessary mechanism for social change. The Serbian government’s accusations mirror those of authoritarian regimes worldwide, which perceive any criticism as a threat to their power. A similar strategy was used by the authorities in Hong Kong in 2019, when student protests against restrictions on freedoms were framed as foreign interference, or during the 2011–2013 Chilean student-led protests. However, history shows that such tactics cannot prevent change indefinitely – those very protests led to major social reforms.

A wind of change

Mass protests are already bringing changes in Serbia. Faced with accusations and public outrage, Minister of Construction Goran Vesić resigned, though he insisted he did “not feel responsible.” Public pressure also led to the resignation of Serbian Prime Minister Miloš Vučević on January 28, followed by the Mayor of Novi Sad.

What is the rhythm of these protests? While the government attempts to suppress them through manipulation, public support continues to grow. Citizens welcome students with open arms as they march from town to town, providing them with accommodation, food, and logistical support. At occupied university faculties, workshops and public forums are being held. Professors, lawyers, artists, actors, athletes, farmers, professional associations, and cultural institutions have all stood by the students, suspending their work in solidarity.

According to research by the CRTA organization, about 80% of Serbian citizens support most of the students’ demands, and a third of the population has participated in the protests. Such widespread support indicates deep-rooted dissatisfaction and a collective desire for change. While the international community has been slow to react, it has taken notice. Some European political groups such as the European Socialists and Democrats, the European Green Party, and Renew Europe have expressed their support for the protests. Additionally, Serbian students have been nominated for the 2025 Nobel Peace Prize, which confirms a recognition of their nonviolent resistance and fight for justice.

“Pump It!” – A protest slogan is born

Innovative and creative methods have become the hallmark of the student movement. The “Let’s Meet on Sretenje” march gathered tens of thousands of citizens in the city of Kragujevac on February 15, Serbia’s Statehood Day. In response to the biased reporting of the country’s public broadcaster RTS (Radio Televizija Srbije), students produced and broadcasted their own “Free News Bulletin.” Meanwhile, preparations are underway for another major gathering in Belgrade, on March 15, with widespread mobilization seen across social media. In short, the students are “pumping.”

Originating from the social media platforms such as Reddit, “pump it” (in Serbian: “Pumpaj”) quickly spread through memes and banners, becoming a catchphrase of the movement. According to the portal Nedeljnik, “it has become the symbol of a generation that refuses to protest the way their parents did. Instead of serious speeches and grand ideological slogans, they use memes, irony, and viral slogans to convey their message.”

A defining feature of these protests is the students’ firm stance on distancing themselves from political parties – they have determinedly rejected any party affiliation. This independence may be why the protests represent a turning point in Serbia’s recent history, uniting the diaspora through numerous gatherings worldwide, including multiple cities in the US, Toronto, Munich, Budapest, Madrid, Barcelona, Basel, Vienna, Salzburg, Graz, Milan, Venice, and many others.

Student movements in Serbia are not a new phenomenon, in fact, they have shaped the country’s political and social landscape for decades. Protests in the 1990s played a key role in the fight against the regime of Slobodan Milošević. The 1991 protests opposed war-driven policies and media censorship, while the 1996–97 demonstrations erupted over electoral fraud, eventually contributing to the delegitimization of the regime and laying the groundwork for political shifts in 2000.

Like their predecessors, students and citizens today are demanding more than accountability for a single tragedy. They are challenging corruption, institutional irresponsibility, and weak rule of law. The question being asked is: Will today’s protests remain just an echo of discontent, or will they lay the foundation for real societal reform? Regardless of the challenges ahead, it is certain that this generation of students has awakened a spirit of unity and resilience, proving that the fight for a just society is both a duty and a necessity.