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nation and promote women’s socioeconomic autonomy and
societal acknowledgement of tasks that should be shared, such
as care-giving for example. The social and political dynamics
of gender determine the degree to which women feel part of
society or in tension with the existing order. In the words of
Nelly Richard, belonging thus oscillates between ‘being part
of’ and being ‘in tension with’.
The link between identity and sense of belonging is
constructed by complex interactions between the indi-
vidual, society and politics: belonging and identity are not
natural phenomena, but are built upon narratives, discourse
and politics and are subject to dynamic processes of differ-
entiation. Self-referential identities cannot exist for either
individuals or societies, since all identities draw on political
and social ‘material’. Moreover, when identities are expressed
across society, the fact of identifying with a group in no way
exhausts the individual identity of its members; individual
identities coexist virtually within groups and in their many
points of reference. The diversity of and social interdepend-
ence between the identities and senses of belonging of each
member of society can be related to the likelihood of altru-
ism and involvement with the law, and to the capacity for
mutual identification and respect. In contrast, fundamental-
ist expressions of identity militate against such plurality and
are generally the product of a homogeneous and mythified
vision of one’s self. Such a view is generally accompanied by
an equally reductionist corollary, the negative representation
of the identity of ‘the other’.
This is why it is so important to make plurality of life forms
a political foundation of the sense of belonging. Respect for
individuals within a democracy is based on treating them as
abstract holders of fundamental rights, such as civic equal-
ity; and providing them with an inclusionary matrix for their
choices represents a challenge for democracy as a political
system. A sense of belonging is part of subjectivity, and iden-
tity has to do with ethical choices. Plurality of lifestyles can
be a fundamental principle of truthfulness in discussions on
values, as it is a cornerstone of reciprocal recognition and
therefore alludes to the rules governing interaction.
In view of these challenges and current tensions, thought
should be given to the foundations of democracy, because
“civic equality, liberty, and opportunity are core principles of
any morally defensible democracy”, as Amy Gutmann points
out.
3
In this regard, individuals are the ultimate subjects of
morality and, as such, the incarnation of these three demo-
cratic principles. The principle of civic equality constitutes an
obligation to treat all individuals as equal agents of democracy
and to create the necessary conditions for the equal treatment
of citizens. This is consistent with the principle whereby civic
equality is a right that may be exercised only collectively, rather
than individually; this is because it equates to being treated as
a citizen who is equal to others. Although this presupposes the
possibility of individuals joining together to form groups, the
desired beneficiary and the claimant of the right is the individ-
ual, not the group. Secondly, the right to equal freedoms obliges
the democratic order to respect the freedom that all individu-
als have to live their lives as they see fit, provided that this
does not impinge on the same measure of freedom for others.
Lastly, there is the principle of basic opportunities: the capac-
ity of individuals to lead a dignified life, with the possibility of
choosing whatever lifestyle they wish. The political expression
of belonging to a given group must be compatible with the exer-
cise of human rights for those ‘inside’ and ‘outside’ it, namely
in the relationships its members cultivate with one another and
with society as a whole. Within this framework, fundamental
human rights ensure respect for individuals in conditions of
civic equality and in their capacity as agents of purpose with
equal freedom to live their lives as they see fit. Group rights, far
from threatening human rights, are derived from two of them:
the rights to equal freedoms and civic equality. When people
exercise their freedoms of expression, association and transit
and enjoy the benefits of a free press, their choices extend
beyond their immediate surroundings.
Identities emerge and are demarcated in an inherently
conflictual political process that entails mutual recognition
and delimitation, and requires the formal definition of the
range of permitted behaviours. It is therefore crucial that the
democratic organization take account of social diversity and
confer formal legitimacy upon it. If democracy is understood to
be the institutional sphere encompassing, and the institutional
rules governing, egalitarian processes of identity construction,
no one can claim to exclusively represent any given identity or
any subordinate groups that have been excluded throughout
history. It is therefore important to consider how the tension
between equality and difference affects the quality of democ-
racy in a globalized world, in which people continue to need
communities, bonds and meaning for their lives. It is here that
life as a whole poses a further major challenge: openness to
pluralism, the political expression of respect for others, the
quest for fundamental bonds and inquiries into the unity of
the self – all engender in return a yearning for identification
with other human beings.
4
It is important to consider how the tension between equality and difference
affects the quality of democracy in a globalized world
Image: María Elisa Bernal
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